登录×
电子邮件/用户名
密码
记住我
面纱

Reinventing the veil
面纱的是非

艾哈迈德:为何有些受过教育的女性戴面纱?

I grew up in Cairo, Egypt. Through the decades of my childhood and youth – the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s – the veil was a rarity not only at home but in many Arab and Muslim-majority cities. In fact, when Albert Hourani, the Oxford historian, surveyed the Arab world in the mid-1950s, he predicted that the veil would soon be a thing of the past.

我在埃及开罗长大。在我的童年和青年时代——上世纪40、50和60年代——面纱还很罕见。不只是开罗,在许多以阿拉伯及穆斯林人口为主的城市也是如此。事实上,牛津(Oxford)历史学家艾伯特•胡拉尼(Albert Hourani)在50年代中期考察了整个阿拉伯世界后预言,面纱将很快成为历史。

Hourani’s prophecy, made in an article called The Vanishing Veil: A Challenge to the Old Order, would prove spectacularly wrong, but his piece is nevertheless a gem because it so perfectly captures the ethos of that era. Already the veil was becoming less and less common in my own country, and, as Hourani explains, it was fast disappearing in other “advanced Arab countries”, such as Syria, Iraq and Jordan as well. An unveiling movement had begun to sweep across the Arab world, gaining momentum with the spread of education.

胡拉尼的预言发表在一篇题为《正在消失的面纱:对旧秩序的挑战》(The Vanishing Veil: A Challenge to the Old Order)的文章中。事实证明,这些预言大错特错,但这篇文章仍不失为精品,因为它如此精准地抓住了那个时代的精神。在我的祖国,当时面纱已变得越来越少见,同时正如胡拉尼所解释的,在叙利亚、伊拉克和约旦等其它“发达阿拉伯国家”,面纱也在迅速消失。一场摘面纱运动已开始席卷整个阿拉伯世界,其势头随着教育的普及而越来越猛。

In those days, we shared all of Hourani’s views and assumptions, including the connections he made between unveiling, “advancement” and education (and between veiling and “backwardness”). We believed the veil was merely a cultural habit, of no relevance to Islam or to religious piety. Even deeply devout women did not wear a hijab. Being unveiled simply seemed the modern “advanced” way of being Muslim.

在那个年代,我们认同胡拉尼所有的观点和假设,包括他把摘面纱、“进步”与教育联系起来,以及把戴面纱与“落后”联系起来。我们相信,戴面纱不过是一种文化习惯,与伊斯兰教或宗教虔诚毫无关系。就连极其虔诚的女性也开始不戴面纱。不戴面纱简直被视为一种现代、“高级”的穆斯林行为方式。

Consequently the veil’s steady “return” from the mid-1980s, and its growing adoption, disturbed us. It was very troubling for people like me who had been working for years as feminists on women and Islam. Why would educated women, particularly those living in free western societies where they could dress as they wished, be willing (apparently) to take on this symbol of patriarchy and women’s oppression?

所以,面纱从80年代中期起开始稳步“回归”并越来越普及的现象,令我们不安。像我这样多年来一直致力于女性和伊斯兰教研究的女权主义者,感到十分忧心。为何那些受过教育的女性,尤其是生活在自由的西方社会、可以随心所欲地穿着的女性,似乎愿意戴上这个象征着男权统治和女性受压迫的物件?

The appearance of the hijab in my own neighbourhood of Cambridge, Massachusetts, in the late 1990s was the trigger that launched my own studies into the phenomenon. I well remember the very evening that generated that spark. While I was walking past the common with a friend, a well-known feminist who was visiting from the Arab world, we saw a large crowd with all the women in hijab. At the time, this was still an unusual sight and, frankly, it left us both with distinct misgivings.

90年代末,面纱出现在了我居住的美国马萨诸塞州剑桥市,这促使我本人开始研究这一现象。我对点燃自己心中火花的那个晚上仍记忆犹新。当晚,我和一位朋友走过一个公共场地。我的朋友是一位从阿拉伯世界前来访美的著名女权主义者。我们看到一大群人,其中所有的女性都戴着面纱。在那个时代,这一幕还很罕见,老实说,这让我们两人都感到忧心忡忡。

While troubling on feminist grounds, the veil’s return also disturbed me in other ways. Having settled in the US, I had watched from afar through the 1980s and 1990s as cities back home that I had known as places where scarcely anyone wore hijab were steadily transformed into streets where the vast majority of women now wore it.

面纱的回归从女权主义者的立场看令人忧心,与此同时,它在其它方面也让我感到不安。整个80和90年代,已在美国定居的我从远方关注着故乡的变化——许多我所熟悉的城市以前几乎没人戴面纱,而现在街上绝大多数女性头上都顶着一面。

This visually dramatic revolution in women’s dress changed, to my eyes, the very look and atmosphere of those cities. It had come about as a result of the spread of Islamism in the 1970s, a very political form of Islam that was worlds away from the deeply inward, apolitical form that had been common in Egypt in my day. Fuelled by the Muslim Brotherhood, the spread of Islamism always brought its signature emblem: the hijab.

在我看来,女性服饰外观上的戏剧性变革,改变了这些城市的面貌和气氛。这是伊斯兰主义在70年代传播的结果——这是一种政治意味浓厚的伊斯兰教形式,与当年我在埃及常见的那种深沉内向、非政治的宗教大相径庭。受穆斯林兄弟会(Muslim Brotherhood)的推动,伊斯兰主义的传播一直伴随着它的标志:面纱。

Those same decades were marked in Egypt by rising levels of violence and intellectual repression. In 1992, Farag Foda, a well-known journalist and critic of Islamism, was gunned down. Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, a professor at Cairo University, was brought to trial on grounds of apostasy and had to flee the country. Soon after, Naguib Mahfouz, the Egyptian novelist and Nobel Laureate, was stabbed by an Islamist who considered his books blasphemous. Such events seemed a shocking measure of the country’s descent into intolerance.

那几十年,埃及的暴力和思想压制不断升级。1992年,著名的新闻记者、伊斯兰主义批评者法拉杰•福达(Farag Foda)惨遭枪杀。开罗大学(Cairo University)教授纳斯尔•哈米德•阿布•扎伊德(Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd)被冠以叛教的罪名接受审判,最后不得不逃离埃及。不久后,埃及小说家、诺贝尔文学奖得主纳吉布•马赫福兹(Naguib Mahfouz)被一名伊斯兰主义者刺杀,凶手认为他的书亵渎了神灵。这些事件令人震惊地标志着埃及陷入不宽容。

The sight of the hijab on the streets of America brought all this to mind. Was its growing presence a sign that Islamic militancy was on the rise here too? Where were these young women (it was young women in particular who wore it) getting their ideas? And why were they accepting whatever it was they were being told, in this country where it was entirely normal to challenge patriarchal ideas? Could the Muslim Brotherhood have somehow succeeded in gaining a foothold here?

在美国街头看到面纱,让所有这一切都跃入我的脑海。难道说面纱越来越常见,预示着伊斯兰激进主义在美国也开始抬头?这些年轻的女性(戴面纱的以年轻女性居多)是从哪里得到她们的想法的?在这个挑战男权思想早已司空见惯的国家,她们怎么会不加过滤地接受别人告诉她们的一切?穆斯林兄弟会已成功在这里建立了立足点吗?

My instinctive readings of the Cambridge scene proved correct in some ways. The Brotherhood, as well as other Islamist groups, had indeed established a base in America. While most immigrants were not Islamists, those who were quickly set about founding mosques and other organisations. Many immigrants who grew up as I did, without veils, sent their children to Islamic Sunday schools where they imbibed the Islamist outlook – including the hijab.

从某些方面讲,我在直觉上对剑桥那一幕的解读是正确的。穆斯林兄弟会及其它伊斯兰主义组织的确已经在美国建立了根据地。尽管大多数移民并非伊斯兰主义者,但少数确实是伊斯兰主义者的人迅速着手建立清真寺及其它组织。许多和我成长经历类似的移民自己不戴面纱,却将子女送到伊斯兰主日学校,在那里接受伊斯兰主义的世界观,包括戴面纱。

The veiled are always the most visible, but today Islamist-influenced people make up no more than 30 to 40 per cent of American Muslims. This is also roughly the percentage of women who veil as opposed to those who do not. This means of course that the majority of Muslim American women do not wear the veil, whether because they are secular or because they see it as an emblem of Islamism rather than Islam.

戴面纱的人总是最显眼的,但目前受到伊斯兰主义者影响的人,不到美国穆斯林总数的30%至40%。这也大概是戴面纱的女性与不戴面纱的女性的比例。这当然意味着,美国大部分穆斯林女性不戴面纱,原因要么是她们认同世俗观念,要么是她们认为面纱是伊斯兰主义而非伊斯兰教的象征。

. . .

. . .

My research may have confirmed some initial fears, but it also challenged my assumptions. As I studied the process by which women had been persuaded to veil in Egypt in the first place, I came to see how essential women themselves had been in its promotion and the cause of Islamism. Among the most important was Zainab al-Ghazali, the “unsung mother” of the Muslim Brotherhood and a forceful activist who had helped keep the organisation going after the death of its founder.

我的研究可能证实了一些最初的担心,但也动摇了我的设想。我在研究了埃及女性如何被说服戴面纱后发现,女性自身在面纱的推广和伊斯兰主义运动方面起到多么关键的作用。最重要的一位女性是穆斯林兄弟会的“无名之母”扎伊纳布•阿尔加扎利(Zainab al-Ghazali)。她是一位能量极大的社会活动家,帮助该组织在创始人去世后继续运转。

For these women, adopting hijab could be advantageous. Joining Islamist groups and changing dress sometimes empowered them in relation to their parents; it also expanded job and marriage possibilities. Also, since the veil advertised women’s commitment to conservative sexual mores, wearing it paradoxically increased their ability to move freely in public space – allowing them to take jobs in offices shared with men.

对于这些女性而言,戴面纱可能带来一些好处。加入伊斯兰主义组织,并改变装束,有时能让她们在与父母相处时更具底气,也增加了就业和求偶机遇。此外,由于面纱宣示了女性忠于传统的性观念,戴上它反而加大了她们自由出入公共场所的可能性——使她们得以与男性在一个办公室工作。

My assumptions about the veil’s patriarchal meanings began to unravel in the first interviews I conducted. One woman explained that she wore it as a way of raising consciousness about the sexist messages of our society. (This reminded me of the bra-burning days in America when some women refused to shave their legs in a similar protest.) Another wore the hijab for the same reason that one of her Jewish friends wore a yarmulke: this was religiously required dress that made visible the presence of a minority who were entitled, like all citizens, to justice and equality. For many others, wearing hijab was a way of affirming pride and rejecting negative stereotypes (like the Afros that flourished in the 1960s among African-Americans).

在做了第一批采访后,我对面纱的男权主义涵义的假设开始动摇。一位女士解释道,她戴面纱是为了增强人们对当今社会性别歧视观念的意识。(这令我想起了美国焚烧文胸的那段岁月,当时,一些女性拒绝刮腿毛,以示对男权主义的抗议。)还有一位女士认为,自己戴面纱与犹太朋友戴圆顶小帽的道理一样:这种宗教服装能让众人注意到少数族裔的存在,这些少数族裔与所有公民一样,有权获得公正和平等。对于其它许多人而言,戴面纱是为了宣扬自豪感,并拒绝负面成见(与60年代非裔美国人盛行编一头小辫子一样)。

Both Islamist and American ideals – including American ideals of gender justice – seamlessly interweave in the lives of many of this younger generation. This has been a truly remarkable decade as regards Muslim women’s activism. Perhaps the post-9/11 atmosphere in the west, which led to intense criticism of Islam and its views of women, spurred Muslim Americans into corrective action. Women are reinterpreting key religious texts, including the Koran, and they have now taken on positions of leadership in Muslim American institutions: Ingrid Mattson, for example, was twice elected president of the Islamic Society of North America. Such female leadership is unprecedented in the home countries: even al-Ghazali, vital as she was to the Brotherhood, never formally presided over an organisation which included men.

在这一代年轻人的生活中,伊斯兰主义和美国的梦想(包括男女平等的美国理想)紧密地交织在一起。对于穆斯林女性运动而言,过去十年是相当不寻常的。9/11事件发生后,西方对伊斯兰教及其对女性的看法提出猛烈抨击。或许正是这种大环境促使美国的穆斯林采取纠正行动。女性开始重新解释核心宗教典籍,包括古兰经,她们也开始担任美国穆斯林机构的领导职务:例如,英格丽•马特森(Ingrid Mattson)曾两次当选北美伊斯兰协会(Islamic Society of North America)主席。这种女性领导地位在母国从未有过:即使是对穆斯林兄弟会至关重要的阿尔加扎利,也从未在一个有男性成员的机构中担任过正式领导职位。

Many of these women – although not all – wear hijab. Clearly here in the west, where women are free to wear what they want, the veil can have multiple meanings. These are typically a far cry from the old notions which I grew up with, and profoundly different from the veil’s ancient patriarchal meanings, which are still in full force in some countries. Here in the west – embedded in the context of democracy, pluralism and a commitment to gender justice – women’s hijabs can have meanings that they could not possibly have in countries which do not even subscribe to the idea of equality.

这些女性中,很多人(尽管不是所有人)都戴面纱。在女性有权选择自身穿着的西方,面纱显然具有多重含义。这些含义基本上与我小时候接触的旧观念大不相同,也与某些国家仍极其盛行的陈旧的男权含义截然不同。在西方,根植于民主、多元化和男女平等的大背景的女性面纱,可以拥有在某些国家不可能拥有的含义,那些国家连平等的观念都不认同。

But things are changing here as well. Interestingly, the issue of hijab and whether it is religiously required or not is now coming under scrutiny among women who grew up wearing it. Some are re-reading old texts and concluding that the veil is irrelevant to Islamic piety. They cast it off even as they remain committed Muslims.

但在美国,情况也在发生变化。有意思的是,面纱问题以及戴面纱是否是教义所规定的,如今正受到从小就戴它的女性的审视。一些人重读宗教典籍,她们得出结论认为,面纱与伊斯兰教虔诚无关。她们摘下面纱,尽管仍是虔诚的穆斯林。

It is too soon to tell whether this development, emerging most particularly among intellectual women who once wore hijab, will gather force and become a new unveiling movement for the 21st century: one that repeats, on other continents and in completely new ways, the unveiling movement of the early 20th century. Still, in a time when a number of countries have tried banning the hijab and when typically such rules have backfired, it is worth noting that here in America, where there are no such bans, a new movement may be quietly getting under way, a movement led this time by committed Muslim women who once wore hijab and who, often after much thought and study, have taken the decision to set it aside.

这一变化——在曾经戴面纱的知识女性中表现尤甚——是否会加大势头、并发展为21世纪的摘面纱运动(在另一个大陆、以全新的方式,重复20世纪早期那场摘面纱运动),现在还言之尚早。不过,在许多国家开始试图禁止女人戴面纱、且这些规定一般都引发反弹之际,有一点值得指出:在没颁布这些禁令的美国,一场新的运动可能正在悄然兴起。这一次,领导者是那些一度戴面纱的虔诚的穆斯林女性,她们决定摘掉面纱——往往是在经过大量思考和研究之后。

Occasionally now, although less so than in the past, I find myself nostalgic for the Islam of my childhood and youth, an Islam without veils and far removed from politics. An Islam which people seemed to follow not in the prescribed, regimented ways of today but rather according to their own inner sense, and their own particular temperaments, inclinations and the shifting vicissitudes of their lives.

现在,我偶尔(尽管不如以前频繁)还会怀念在我的童年和青年时代的伊斯兰教。那时的伊斯兰教不需要面纱,也远离政治。人们信仰它,并不是以当今这种程式化的、僵硬刻板的方式,而是按照自己的内在意识,按照个人性情、癖好和经历过的人世沧桑。

I think my occasional yearning for that now bygone world has abated (not that it is entirely gone) for a number of reasons. As I followed, a little like a detective, the extraordinary twists and turns of history that brought about this entirely unpredicted and unlikely “return” of the veil, I found the story itself so absorbing that I seemed to forget my nostalgia. I also lost the vague sense of annoyance, almost of affront, that I’d had over the years at how history had, seemingly so casually, set aside the entirely reasonable hopes and possibilities of that brighter and now vanished era.

我对那个已经逝去的世界的偶尔怀念之所以会减弱(但没有完全消失),在我看来原因有很多。我有点儿像个侦探似的,追寻导致面纱完全出乎意料且令人难以置信的“回归”的异常历史波折。在此过程中,我发现故事本身如此扣人心弦,让我似乎忘却了自己的怀旧之情。我还抛却了多年来积聚心中的隐约的恼怒、甚至可以说是羞辱感——令我恼怒的是,历史(看似如此轻而易举地)碾碎了那个现已消失的更光明时代的完全合理的希望和可能性。

In the process I came to see clearly what I had long known abstractly: that living religions are by definition dynamic. Witness the fact that today we have women priests and rabbis – something unheard of just decades ago. As I followed the shifting history of the veil – a history which had reversed directions twice in one century – I realised that I had lived through one of the great sea changes now overtaking Islam. My own assumptions and the very ground they stood on had been fundamentally challenged. It now seems absurd that we once labelled people who veiled “backward” and those who did not “advanced”, and that we thought that it was perfectly fine and reasonable to do so. Seeing one’s own life from a new perspective can be unsettling, of course – but it is also quite bracing, and even rather exciting.

在这一过程中,我清楚地认识到一件长久以来我只在理论上明白的事情:现实生活中的宗教必定是具有活力的。举例来说,现在有很多女牧师和拉比,而就在几十年前,这种事还闻所未闻。在我探寻面纱不断变化的历史之际(过去一个世纪期间,这方面的历史已两次掉转方向),我意识到自己经历了伊斯兰教的一场巨变。我个人的假设和这些假设据以存在的基础从根本上受到了挑战。我们一度将戴面纱的人贴上“落后”的标签,而不戴的人是“进步”的,并认为这么做完全合适、合理。现在看起来,这种看法是荒唐的。从一个新的角度审视自己的人生当然会令人不安,但同时也令人精神振作,甚至为此激动。

Leila Ahmed is the Victor S. Thomas professor of divinity at the Harvard Divinity School. Her new book, ‘A Quiet Revolution: The Veil’s Resurgence, from the Middle East to America’ (Yale University Press), will be published on May 26.

本文作者为哈佛大学神学院(Harvard Divinity School) Victor S. Thomas神学教授。她的新书《A Quiet Revolution: The Veil’s Resurgence, from the Middle East to America》(耶鲁大学出版社)于5月26日出版

译者/陈云飞

FT中文网客户端
点击或扫描下载
FT中文网微信
扫描关注
FT中文网全球财经精粹,中英对照
设置字号×
最小
较小
默认
较大
最大
分享×